Title: Corruption and Far-Right Networks: The Open Flank of Orbán in Chile

URL Source: https://www.elciudadano.com/en/corruption-and-far-right-networks-the-open-flank-of-orban-in-chile/05/07

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title: Corruption and Far-Right Networks: The Open Flank of Orbán in Chile
description: Original article: Corrupción y redes de ultraderecha: El flanco Orbán abierto en Chile By Leopoldo Lavín Mujica On April 12, 2026, Hungarians turned out
image: https://www.elciudadano.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/el-ciudadano-img-1.png
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**[The Citizen](https://www.elciudadano.com/author/the%5Fcitizen/)** 

07/05/2026 5:57pm 

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Original article: [Corrupción y redes de ultraderecha: El flanco Orbán abierto en Chile](https://www.elciudadano.com/chile/corrupcion-y-redes-de-ultraderecha-el-flanco-orban-abierto-en-chile/05/07/)

---

**By Leopoldo Lavín Mujica**

On April 12, 2026, Hungarians turned out to vote in numbers unseen since the fall of the walls. Within three hours of polls closing, Viktor Orbán — the Prime Minister who had spent 16 years reshaping an entire state in his image, silencing the press, manipulating judges, and enriching relatives and friends with European taxpayer money — conceded defeat.

The «electoral autocracy» that Donald Trump openly admired, describing it as the model he hoped to replicate in the United States, collapsed at the ballot box. The victor was Péter Magyar, a right-wing politician who had participated in the Orbán system.

On April 13, what Magyar revealed — a day after his victory — shook governments on two continents: Orbán’s regime had used Hungarian taxpayer money to finance far-right political organizations worldwide.

The implications rang transatlantically: Trump had publicly supported Orbán on multiple occasions. Months before the defeat, Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio traveled to Budapest to campaign for him. On the very day of the elections, the official account of the most significant far-right organization in the U.S., the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) — an unabashedly Trumpist organization — posted: «We stand firmly with Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.» Orbán lost anyway. And Trump said nothing.

What followed was not just the transfer of power in Budapest. It marked the beginning of a criminal investigation that, like a domino effect, is shaking the international far-right network that Orbán financed with Hungarian state funds: CPAC, the Spanish party Vox, the Heritage Foundation, and a conservative corporation chaired for two years by the current President of Chile, José Antonio Kast.

Kast was involved in the same global events now under judicial scrutiny in Hungary: CPAC and the Political Network for Values (PNfV) are under investigation, and Kast participated in their activities.

In Chile, Kast not only admired this model: days before assuming office, he recorded a video for CPAC in Budapest in which he publicly declared Orbán as his ‘inspiration’, even urging Hungarians to re-elect him, a statement analysts deemed political intervention.

### The Chilean Connection: Kast, the PNfV, and Unanswered Questions

The PNfV has roots in far-right Catholicism and documented ties to organizations such as HazteOir, CitizenGo, El Yunque, and Opus Dei. Its declared goal is to train far-right and conservative activists on a global scale. Between 2022 and 2024, its president was José Antonio Kast, the current president of Chile.

Hungarian journalistic investigations and information published in the Official Gazette of Hungary allow for a concrete trail to be established. In 2021, Orbán’s government granted the PNfV a €140,000 subsidy to fund the IV Transatlantic Summit, held in the Hungarian Parliament itself. This was the same event where Katalin Novák — president of the PNfV and future president of Hungary — served as host and would hand over the presidency to Kast in 2022.

The following year, when Kast was already leading the organization, the PNfV hosted CPAC 2022, funded by the Hungarian Center for Fundamental Rights. The thread to investigate is precisely this one: whether the resources from the Hungarian state that reached the Center for Fundamental Rights partly funded the network’s activities while Kast was leading it.

Just 11 days after taking office as President of Chile, Kast sent a video to CPAC in Budapest in which he was categorical: ‘Orbán has been an inspiration for our work since day one of government.’

Meanwhile, Argentine President Milei was physically present in Budapest at the March 2026 CPAC. Javier Milei shared the stage with Orbán at the event while he was still governing and the network was already under scrutiny.

### The Pre-Presidential Tour of José Antonio Kast and Unanswered Questions

Before assuming office, Kast conducted an international tour that included Budapest — where he met Orbán — and Brussels. Socialist deputy Daniel Manouchehri (PS) raised the questions that still lack official answers: Were there direct or indirect contributions from this network to Kast’s presidential campaign? In Spain, Vox received €9 million from Hungarian banks for its campaigns. The question is not theoretical. Who financed this international tour before assuming office?

Hungarian law prohibits any government or foreign actor from financing political campaigns in third countries. If the funds that reached the PNfV during Kast’s presidency were directed to such purposes, we would be facing a legal violation in Hungary and urgent questions regarding the transparency of political financing in Chile.

### The MCC in the Diplomatic Academy

On April 28, 2026, a delegation from the Mathias Corvinus Collegium visited the Andrés Bello Diplomatic Academy in Chile, managed by the Hungarian Embassy. Chilean media reported on it. The visit generated criticism in the diplomatic world: how does the Diplomatic Academy host representatives of a think tank accused internationally of receiving irregular funds from the regime under investigation, right in the epicenter of the scandal?

### The Voices: What is Demanded in Chile and Hungary

Péter Magyar, in Budapest, was categorical: mixing party financing with state budget financing «is a criminal offense.» He also announced that Hungary will join the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), the body to which Viktor Orbán has always refused to adhere precisely because it allows EU investigators to participate in corruption cases within member states.

Academician András Lénárt from the University of Szeged explained that the new leadership’s goals are twofold: to recover the frozen European funds and «thoroughly investigate Orbán’s relationships and his economic contributions to right-wing and far-right organizations, both Hungarian and international.»

Senator Daniella Cicardini (PS) was direct from Santiago: «The international network that José Antonio Kast presided over for two years is now under investigation for corruption in Hungary, and this is not being denounced by the left, but by the new right-wing prime minister of Hungary.» She demanded that President Kast clarify if that network financially supported his campaign.

Former chancellor Juan Gabriel Valdés stated that it is necessary to investigate «where the funds for the far-right in the region are coming from, as well as the relationships of Vox and Orbán with Latin America,» highlighting that in the social democratic world, the financing of foundations like Adenauer or Friedrich Ebert has always been transparent, something that cannot be said for this network.

Analyst Gilberto Aranda from the Institute of International Studies at the University of Chile warned that this investigation «could not only open a flank to the Presidency of Chile, but to all politicians who made Budapest under Orbán a permanent destination, a country where we are now beginning to see investigations regarding cases — let’s say it clearly — of corruption.»

### The Collapse of the Model and the Chilean Connection

As Professor Daniel Kelemen of Georgetown wrote in Lawfare, Orbán was for years the model for aspiring autocrats throughout Europe: he demonstrated that it was possible to dismantle the rule of law while still receiving EU funds. This was the roadmap followed, with variations, by Robert Fico in Slovakia and Aleksandar Vučić in Serbia. For Trump’s MAGA movement, Orbán was the scaled-down example of what they dreamed of for the United States.

The questions left open by the Hungarian investigation for Chile are not ideological. They are legal and about democratic transparency: Was there foreign state money, in any form, in political activities linked to the current President of Chile? Who financed his pre-presidential tour? With what resources did the organization he led operate?

The answers must come not from Budapest or Washington, but from the Chilean government itself. As long as that does not happen, the flank will remain open.

### The «Illiberal State»: Anatomy of a Far-Right Regime

In 2014, Orbán delivered the most revealing speech of his career. Before his supporters in Băile Tușnad, Romania, he unequivocally declared that his government was building an «illiberal state», based not on the principles of Western liberal democracy but on what he called the values of the Hungarian nation, meaning an authoritarian regime that voids democracy of democratic and civil rights; which practically suppresses the rule of law.

What followed was not ideology: it was capture. Capture of the state, of the economy, and of information.

After winning in 2010 with a supermajority in parliament, Fidesz — Orbán’s party — acted swiftly: it reformed the constitution, appointed aligned judges to the Constitutional Court, eliminated independent electoral safeguards, and redesigned voting districts to its advantage. In September 2022, the European Parliament reached a formal conclusion: Hungary could no longer be considered a full democracy. It was categorized as an electoral autocracy.

International indicators are damning. The Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI 2024) classified Hungary as a «flawed democracy», with a political score dropping from 9.35 out of 10 in 2010 to 6.3 in 2024\. The World Bank documented the deterioration in five of its six indicators of institutional quality: rule of law, voice and accountability, political stability, regulatory quality, and control of corruption. And Transparency International delivered the most damning verdict: Hungary is the most corrupt country in the European Union.

One of the regime’s first moves was to transform public media into propaganda machines. Subsequently, allies and businesspeople close to the government systematically bought independent private media to shut them down or turn them into mouthpieces for the regime. More than 500 media outlets ended up under pro-government control. A typical procedure for far-right regimes in power.

Journalists who resisted paid the price. Andrés Pethő, founder of the independent investigative media outlet Direkt36, describes it precisely: «It is not a normal situation when you lose your job because you did your job well.» 

When Direkt36 published uncomfortable investigations for the government, the response was to accuse its reporters of espionage. One of them — Szabolcs Panyi, who was investigating secret communications between the Hungarian and Russian foreign ministers — was charged.

### Orbán Governed for His Businessmen: The Numbers of Corruption

The corruption under Orbán was not the classic diversion of funds in the shadows. It was, in the words of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a centralized corruption around his inner circle, raised to the level of a system of governance.

The Christian Science Monitor summarized it accurately: Orbán remodeled the Hungarian economy into an oligarchy where even 30% of the gross domestic product circulates through businesses directly linked to him.

### «The Dynasty»: The Documentary Viewed by 4.2 Million Hungarians

In February 2025, Direkt36 published a documentary titled «The Dynasty» on YouTube, the result of almost a year of work. The film documented how Orbán’s son-in-law, István Tiborcz, had built an empire of luxury properties, financial and logistics companies, using public procurement contracts that EU inspectors categorized as severely irregular, in addition to state bank loans and million-euro tax exemptions.

The documentary was viewed more than a million times in its first 48 hours. Today it has over 4.2 million views in a country of 10 million inhabitants. The government’s response was to accuse Direkt36 of being part of an «operation of the Ukrainian intelligence services.» The media outlet published its funding sources and categorically rejected the accusation.

The documented figures in «The Dynasty» are as follows:

* **30% of GDP** circulated through companies linked to Orbán’s circle.
* €**800 million** were diverted by the Hungarian National Bank to the ‘Pallas Athéné Foundations’, a pro-Orbán network of institutes, under the argument that the money had lost its «public character».
* **21% of all contracts funded with European funds** between 2011 and 2021 were captured by only 12 businessmen close to the government, through closed and non-competitive tenders, according to a 2022 EU audit.
* €**6.3 billion** in European cohesion funds were frozen since 2022 due to «serious systemic irregularities» in public procurement.
* €**17 to 18 billion** in total — equivalent to 8% of Hungary’s GDP — remained blocked due to violations of the rule of law at the time of Orbán’s defeat.

### The Orbán Regime Was a Parasite of the European Union While Bashing Europe

Perhaps the most revealing paradox of Orbanism is this: the politician who made hostility to the European Union his main banner was simultaneously the largest per capita beneficiary of funds from that same Union. In the 2010s, annual EU funds accounted for 4% of Hungary’s GDP, comparable to what West Germany transferred to East Germany after reunification.

Economist Krisztián Orbán (not related to the former prime minister) explained it starkly to CNN: «He could get away with many things — including corruption and dismantling public services — because he ensured a constant improvement in the standard of living for people who were not used to that.»

When the EU began to freeze those funds in 2022 — having exhausted its patience over the systematic violation of the rule of law — Orbán’s patronage network began to crumble. The economy slowed down. Citizens felt the decline in their pockets. That marked the beginning of the end.

### The Collapse: How the ‘Model Autocracy’ Fell

Péter Magyar, the winner of the elections on April 12, was not an outsider. Until 2024, he had been part of the system. The ex-husband of Justice Minister Judit Varga, his break with the regime was dramatic and public.

In February 2024, the presidential pardon scandal erupted: Hungary’s president — Katalin Novák — signed a pardon for a man convicted of covering up child sexual abuse in a state orphanage. Under the pressure of the scandal, both Novák and Minister Varga resigned.

Péter Magyar then published an audio recording of a private conversation with his ex-wife, where she described how government officials instructed prosecutors on what evidence to eliminate from judicial files to protect the guilty. Thousands of Hungarians took to the streets. Magyar launched the Tisza party and in June 2024 secured 30% of the vote in the European Parliament elections.

On April 12, 2026, Tisza, Magyar’s party, won 53.2% of the list vote and secured 138 of the 199 seats in the National Assembly, gaining a two-thirds supermajority that allows it to rewrite the constitution.

It should be noted that even in that last election, international observers from the OSCE/ODIHR indicated that «there was no level playing field» and that the campaign «was marked by divisive and fear-generating rhetoric from the ruling party.» Even with the playing field tilted in his favor, Orbán was crushed.

### The Global Network: Hungarian Public Money in the World Far-Right

«I believe the state should never have financed them. It was a crime. Mixing the financing of political parties with public budget expenditure is, in my opinion, a criminal offense,» Magyar stated to the press on April 13\. He announced that the National Office for Asset Recovery will investigate the matter.

The transnational network under investigation is as follows:

* **CPAC (USA):** Budapest hosted the conservative conference five times since 2022\. The Hungarian Center for Fundamental Rights received 4.3 billion forints in 2024; 722 million was allocated to finance that year’s CPAC, according to investigations by the Hungarian outlet Átlátszó.
* **Vox — Spain:** The far-right party received €9 million from government-linked Hungarian banks to finance political campaigns.
* **Political Network for Values (PNfV):** Received a €140,000 grant from the Hungarian government in 2021\. **It was chaired by José Antonio Kast from 2022 to 2024.**
* **Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC):** A Hungarian think tank financed with $1.7 billion in 2022 (New York Times). Accused of being a «distribution belt» of funds to the international conservative network. A delegation visited Chile in April 2026.
* **Heritage Foundation:** A U.S. conservative think tank, one of the centers behind «Project 2025». Part of the ecosystem under scrutiny in the Hungarian investigation.
* **ISSEP — France:** An institute led by Marion Maréchal, granddaughter of the founder of the National Front. Part of the European conservative ecosystem funded from Budapest.

### The Domino Effect Reaches the United States

Democratic Congressman Mike Levin formally wrote to the IRS, the Federal Election Commission (FEC), and the U.S. Department of Justice, requesting an investigation into whether CPAC violated campaign financing laws, tax regulations, or the Foreign Agents Registration Act. In his letter, he warned that Magyar’s claims «are particularly concerning in light of Orbán’s manifest commitment to Vladimir Putin.» 

CPAC’s response was significant for what it avoided saying: its spokespeople did not categorically deny having received Hungarian state funding. They stated that «any decision by the Hungarian government would not impact the organization.» CPAC President Matt Schlapp reacted to Magyar’s announcement on X, expressing that he was «very grateful» the new prime minister «has invited us back.» There was no direct denial.

Leopoldo Lavín Mujica

_Methodological Note: This report was compiled from verified primary and secondary sources, including investigations by independent Hungarian media Direkt36 and Átlátszó; analyses from CSIS, the Cato Institute, Lawfare, and the Peterson Institute; reports from CNN, The New York Times, and The Christian Science Monitor; Chilean media; official statements from Péter Magyar; Congressman Mike Levin’s letter to the IRS, FEC, and DOJ; and data from the Official Gazette of Hungary. Péter Magyar’s claims about state funding of CPAC are public statements he called the subject of investigation; the formal judicial investigation has not yet concluded. CPAC denied receiving funds from the Hungarian government. All quantitative data cited comes from primary sources identified in the body of the text._

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